While many of the key efforts of each movements were compatible, many elements proved to be insurmountable discrepancies, eventually causing the movements clear and simple message to be construed in multiple chaotic directions. The Women's Liberation Movement focused on sexual pleasure, attempting to enhance awareness and female sexual satisfaction; in doing so they disproved Freudian beliefs and the general consensus on the optimal methods of achieving the apparently illusive female orgasm. On the other hand, Hugh Hefner and the sexual revolution promoted a "freedom from domesticity...a distaste for conventional family roles and repressive laws." While unfortunately Hefner turned out to support only male promiscuity and sexual maturity and freedom, with his assistance, Roe v. Wade and Birth Control legislation were passed in favor of women's rights.
Extreme elements began to emerge following the release of Brownmiller's book, Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape, which described rape as a "process by which all men keep all women in a state of fear." Anti-pornography campaigns divided women in the movement, with some believing pornography to be the ultimate form of female freedom with others trying to free women from identification with "S/M pictures" (p. 60). Stemming from this, the feminist movement moved in a completely anti-sex direction, vastly different from one of the key messages of the early forms of feminism that promoted connection with and understanding of one's body. In many circles, heterosexual relationships were rejected in favor of lesbianism.
Today, raunch feminism has emerged as both a rebellion of past generations and a "garbled attempt at continuing the women's movement" (p. 75). We have all forgotten the way culture can belittle women and the representations of the new feminist movement look more like those very messages to which past generations objected. Leaders of the original movement call this new path a "convenient fantasy," where nudity, pornography, stripping, and exerting extreme sexual behavior are seen as admirable efforts, equivalent to anti-rape protests.
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The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, a group founded by black students advocating racial equality through nonviolent direct action, and the Students for a Democratic Society, an "anti-anti-communist, or new left, youth group, together formed what became known as the Movement. Dominated by men who were interesting in social and racial equality, rather than sexual/gender inequality, women faced exclusion. Their experiences in the movement, however, were pointless; it gave white women the opportunity to gain organizational knowledge and skills while being involved in something of social importance. Women had great success organizing welfare mothers during Vietnam, and proved themselves to be better at organizing and more easily organizable. The new left declared personal concerns to be political concerns, bring personal relationships and sexual fulfillment into the rights debate.
Women's roles and relationships were not completely unified, as black women "tended to dismiss women's liberation as white women's business" (p. 32). Because race and class oppression added an extra component to black women's oppression, any gains made by the women's movement for white women could not last for black women. They also lacked a common history and sense of trust necessary to unite members of a movement.
Between 1965 and 1967, the civil rights movement shifted and many began advocating black power instead of integration. The nonviolent tactics were no longer deemed effective/desirable, and black Movement members no longer supported the presence of white radicals in their organizations. The Movement, once united behind their common goals, was now divided between blacks and whites. The new left responded to this by increasing their involvement in draft resistance, thereby reducing any hope for an increased focus on women's rights. As African Americans continued to take over the Movement, including voting power and leadership, the SDS made liberation of blacks, the working class, and Vietnamese their priority. Additionally, the new left embraced a heightened level of sexual promiscuity while de-emphasizing emotional commitment, which caused women to resent men, especially in the wake of the rising sexual revolution amongst women. "White men seemed eager to do penance for racism but resisted women's attempts to raise the issue of sexual inequality" (p. 48).
Women, fed up with the immature and disrespectful male responses to their oppression, began demanding complete control over their bodies, revamping of marriage laws, an increase in birth control education, and abortion laws. They were inspired in large part by the black power movements, despite the fact that this movement also "trivialized women in favor of those truly oppressed" (p. 50). A Chicago women's group published the New Left Notes, which advised women to claim their own fate and define their own issues.
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The publication of Betty Friedan's work corresponded with an increased involvement of women in the labor force that had been occurring for the15 years prior. She described the feminine mystique as the efforts to convince women, following World War II, that the only way to happiness is through marriage and childbirth. This served to excite women's interest in consumer goods as well as shift women's roles back into domestic life following their aid during the war.
Friedan writes that an irrational belief permeates her society, one that defines truly feminine women as women who don't want careers, an education, or political rights. Woman make efforts to lose weight and alter their appearance to fit the "feminine" mold. They avoid any medicines, actions, decisions that seem "unfeminine," and as leaders of domestic life are seen as parters with their husband in decision-making matters. They are taught that true feminine fulfillment comes from being a wife and a mother. As a result of this programming, woman were embarrassed to share their feelings, ashamed of their dissatisfaction. In about 1960, women slowly began to realize they shared many of the same problems: dissatisfaction, desperation, feelings of being trapped. This new wave of solidarity was reported by news networks, scientists, and doctors, but all symptoms were dismissed for various reasons: too much education, she doesn't realize how lucky she is, no better alternative, the need for a more realistic preparation plan for domestic responsibilities.
Frustrated and exacerbated by the constant analysis and presentation of idiotic solutions, women got bitter. Friedan writes that "women who suffer have a hunger that food cannot fill" (p. 61). They did not feel this way because of money problems, a loss of femininity, education, etc. They demonstrated similar symptoms to those from sexual repression; they reported extreme tiredness and desperation from constant demands on their time. Facing "menstrual difficulty, sexual frigidity, promiscuity, pregnancy fears, childbirth depression, [etc.]" what rang true in all of the women was a desire for something beyond motherhood, running a home, and wifehood.
------------------
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, a group founded by black students advocating racial equality through nonviolent direct action, and the Students for a Democratic Society, an "anti-anti-communist, or new left, youth group, together formed what became known as the Movement. Dominated by men who were interesting in social and racial equality, rather than sexual/gender inequality, women faced exclusion. Their experiences in the movement, however, were pointless; it gave white women the opportunity to gain organizational knowledge and skills while being involved in something of social importance. Women had great success organizing welfare mothers during Vietnam, and proved themselves to be better at organizing and more easily organizable. The new left declared personal concerns to be political concerns, bring personal relationships and sexual fulfillment into the rights debate.
Women's roles and relationships were not completely unified, as black women "tended to dismiss women's liberation as white women's business" (p. 32). Because race and class oppression added an extra component to black women's oppression, any gains made by the women's movement for white women could not last for black women. They also lacked a common history and sense of trust necessary to unite members of a movement.
Between 1965 and 1967, the civil rights movement shifted and many began advocating black power instead of integration. The nonviolent tactics were no longer deemed effective/desirable, and black Movement members no longer supported the presence of white radicals in their organizations. The Movement, once united behind their common goals, was now divided between blacks and whites. The new left responded to this by increasing their involvement in draft resistance, thereby reducing any hope for an increased focus on women's rights. As African Americans continued to take over the Movement, including voting power and leadership, the SDS made liberation of blacks, the working class, and Vietnamese their priority. Additionally, the new left embraced a heightened level of sexual promiscuity while de-emphasizing emotional commitment, which caused women to resent men, especially in the wake of the rising sexual revolution amongst women. "White men seemed eager to do penance for racism but resisted women's attempts to raise the issue of sexual inequality" (p. 48).
Women, fed up with the immature and disrespectful male responses to their oppression, began demanding complete control over their bodies, revamping of marriage laws, an increase in birth control education, and abortion laws. They were inspired in large part by the black power movements, despite the fact that this movement also "trivialized women in favor of those truly oppressed" (p. 50). A Chicago women's group published the New Left Notes, which advised women to claim their own fate and define their own issues.
---------------
The publication of Betty Friedan's work corresponded with an increased involvement of women in the labor force that had been occurring for the15 years prior. She described the feminine mystique as the efforts to convince women, following World War II, that the only way to happiness is through marriage and childbirth. This served to excite women's interest in consumer goods as well as shift women's roles back into domestic life following their aid during the war.
Friedan writes that an irrational belief permeates her society, one that defines truly feminine women as women who don't want careers, an education, or political rights. Woman make efforts to lose weight and alter their appearance to fit the "feminine" mold. They avoid any medicines, actions, decisions that seem "unfeminine," and as leaders of domestic life are seen as parters with their husband in decision-making matters. They are taught that true feminine fulfillment comes from being a wife and a mother. As a result of this programming, woman were embarrassed to share their feelings, ashamed of their dissatisfaction. In about 1960, women slowly began to realize they shared many of the same problems: dissatisfaction, desperation, feelings of being trapped. This new wave of solidarity was reported by news networks, scientists, and doctors, but all symptoms were dismissed for various reasons: too much education, she doesn't realize how lucky she is, no better alternative, the need for a more realistic preparation plan for domestic responsibilities.
Frustrated and exacerbated by the constant analysis and presentation of idiotic solutions, women got bitter. Friedan writes that "women who suffer have a hunger that food cannot fill" (p. 61). They did not feel this way because of money problems, a loss of femininity, education, etc. They demonstrated similar symptoms to those from sexual repression; they reported extreme tiredness and desperation from constant demands on their time. Facing "menstrual difficulty, sexual frigidity, promiscuity, pregnancy fears, childbirth depression, [etc.]" what rang true in all of the women was a desire for something beyond motherhood, running a home, and wifehood.
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