In “The
Globetrotting Sneaker” and “Daughters and Generals in the Politics of the
Globalized Sneaker”, Enloe takes up issue with the rise of the popular culture
sneaker phenomenon in the post-Cold War era of globalization and the effects
that had on women. Enloe begins by
describing how after the Berlin Wall fell, Reebok decided to open a store in
Moscow in 1993. At the time,
Reebok was considered one of the US’s most rapidly growing companies, with
sales exceeding all others. The
store opening in Moscow was a crucial turning point for Russians because it
gave them the option to buy footwear, which were symbolic of American popular
culture, even though the price of the shoes was much higher than many Russians
could afford. As Enloe notes, this
was a time when, “almost 60 percent of Russia’s single parents, most of whom
were women, were living in poverty,” (43). Nonetheless, children began urging their parents to get them
these neat new sneakers, which were thought to give an edge above other
children.
As the American sneaker industry boomed in Russia and around
the world, the workers behind their production were never questioned or made
into an issue. According to Enloe,
however, women, and more specifically Asian women, were the most susceptible to
becoming workers for the sneaker industry. For Asian women, working for a sneaker factory was a sign of
globalization and progress, while Russian women believed that the new Russia
had been born seeing that they could now somewhat afford to buy their children
fancy sneakers. This was primarily
a result of the NATO and WTO trade agreements that emerged in the nineties,
which gave private companies the ability to trade freely and in turn, exploit women
for cheap labor.
The “New World Order” of the globalization of sneakers was
most evident in South Koreas’s city of Pusan during the eighties. American sneaker companies in South
Korea believed that men should be the managers and responsible for unions that
were emerging. Women, on the other
hand, were ideal for cheap labor because their Confucian values promoted
working for the good of their family, as fathers and husbands had hoped they
would do. Luckily, South Korean
women responded to this as the pro-democracy movement was taking place and saw
through their exploitation with the help of feminists on the scene. The Korean Women Workers Association
was one group that formed during this time and aimed to raise awareness among
women about fair treatment in the workforce. Suddenly, women saw a rise not
only in unions, but also in their earnings that by 1990, had them earning over
fifty percent of what men were earning.
When sneaker companies realized that women were no longer “ideal”, they
decided it was time to pack up and move to a new location, such as China or
Indonesia, where authoritarian regimes made it easy to exploit women for cheap
labor.
Although many companies now report on working conditions in
their factories following UN”s Beijing conference in 1995, it is definitely
still evident that women are suffering from cheap labor conditions. Under the “divide and rule” tactic of
globalization, the workforce for women in these neighboring countries has
become all the more competitive.
Fortunately, many women have become more aware of their conditions and
have advocated for their rights and needs in the post-Cold War environment of
globalization.
“Daughters and Generals in the Politics of the Globalized
Sneaker” touches on many of the same issues raised in the previous
chapter. Enloe begins by examining
the roots of the sporting goods franchise phenomenon at American universities,
such as Michigan State, where politics and clothing are deeply
intertwined. At universities like
Michigan State, sporting good logos mean everything through binding contracts
and there are serious penalties if these logos are in any way tampered
with. Enloe suggests that this
phenomenon emerged after the Cold War, again particularly in South Korea,
bringing the politics of women to the forefront of the scene.
By using the construction of feminization, American sporting
goods companies could manipulate women and their families into believing in the
cheap labor industry. With support
from the government, women were now supposed to leave their rural farms and head
to cities where working for industrialization would make them more patriotic
and respectable daughters, or wives.
Women were now supposed to be responsible for brining dowries into their
marriages and parents were now supposed to accept this new attitude. As Enloe puts it: “Inside every
computer chip, inside every elaborately stitched sneaker…is a complex web of
Cold War militarized, feminized respectability and daughterly patriotism,”
(61). Furthermore, sneaker
companies promoted the idea of a high turnover rate to ensure that they could
pay women the minimum wage for “training” positions, as well as dating services
that emphasized women’s new role in society instead of their role as individual
citizens. Like South Korea, Enloe points out that Indonesia has become the
modern-day example of this globalization phenomenon.
Enloe does note, however, that women became knowledgeable of
sneaker companies’ dependence on women’s marriage strategies for success in
South Korea. As a result,
governments and companies were forced to make the decision that it was time to
“restructure” the economy to make up for the loss of women employment. Although there seems to be no end to
this cyclical globalization pattern, Enloe hopes that women in countries facing
the same dilemmas as South Korea faced after the Cold War can see through their
exploitation and become just as proactive as the girls on American sneaker are
advertised to be.
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